Positioned by Fashion

Positioned by Fashion:
By Adrian Clarke, L.O.C.A.D. – Library of Costume and Design

Imagine if fashion determined a whole new dance style? Well, this is how Ballet began and how the many of the basic steps performed as part of everyday class by dancers were born. Not purely from the pursuit of physical or artistic expression but also from the practical necessity of moving elegantly and practically. From wearing those marvellous creations of Court Dress was born Ballet’s love of the turnout.

From the various ‘Court Dances’ of the latter half of the 15th Century came the earliest vocabulary of steps. These ‘steps’ in turn would form the building blocks for future more elaborate court dances and court ballets with the vocabulary continued to be expanded upon. Meanwhile at the heart, was the symbiotic relationship between Dress and Dance only to become further intertwined as time progressed. Sometimes as such it was unclear which was the greater in the influence.

The grand balls at the Italian and French Courts were particularly rich fertile grounds for the ‘Art of Dance’. This was expedited by how the court dances not only increased in variety, but also in the complexities of how they were to be performed. So ‘Dancing’ became no easy ‘Accomplishment’ for any enthusiastic courtier. This would have courtiers with the means to employ ‘Dance Tutors’ for themselves, and their children, ensuring that they were kept up to date with the latest dances and techniques.
Fig. 01

“Cassone Adimari” by Scheggia (Splinter) c. 1450

We get an idea of this from the few tutors who would attempt to document the ‘Art of Dance’. One of the earliest of these would be by an Italian dance master by the name of Domenico da Piacenza (Dominic from Piacenza). Dated circa 1455, it is surmised he wrote his eloquently written “De arte saltandi et choreas ducendi” (On the Art of Dancing and Choreography) at the height of his career as dance master at one of the Courts of the ruling d’Este family in Ferrara. Within this manual of 21 chapters, he summarised in exacting detail various court dances with many of them of his own choreographic composition accompanied by his own music supported with a list of twelve basic steps complete with definition and description of technique. It also included such aspects about timing and “contra tempo”.

One of Domenico’s noted pupils, Guglielmo Ebreo da Pesaro (William Hebrew from Pesaro; the term ‘Hebrew’ is in reference to his Jewish heritage) also wrote a manual on the subject matter. His intricately illustrated “De pratica seu arte tripudii vulgare opusculum” (On the practice or the art of dancing) was an undertaking that took the diligent pupil thirty years to complete with its publication in 1463. He presented it to Galeazzo Maria Sforza who would later become the Duke of Milan in 1466. Sometime after this, Guglielmo would become a Christian and his godparents would be none other than their graces, Duke and Duchess of Milan themselves. He would then go on to write another treatise under his Christian name of Giovanni Ambrosio. In all his writings he would write in reverential regard of his teacher and dance master, Domenico da Piacenza, often describing himself as a humble imitator.

The other noted pupil of Domenico was Antonio Cornazano, a humanist and poet. He was the author of a fourth important treatise, “Libro sull’arte della danzare” (Book on the Art of Dancing) included 11 dances by Domenico da Piacenza and three tenor melodies for the ‘Bassa Danza’. It was presented as a gift to the daughter of the Duke of Milan, Ippolita Maria Sforza, upon her marriage to Alfonso, the Duke of Calabria in 1465, who later would become King Alfonso II of Naples.

The interesting thing about these named books is their titles. The first two are in Latin. Remember that in Latin there are specific terms for various forms of Dance. Domenico use of the verb is from ‘Saltare’ which is a secular notion of dance but it is still referred in conjunction with the idea of it as an ‘Art’. Guglielmo, however, uses the Latin verb, ‘Tripudiare’ which is a notion of a religious rite but this is compromised by the added use of ‘Vulgare’, obvious meaning ‘vulgar’ as if it was a profane act as oppose to a spiritual one. Was he inferring that there was something ‘devilish’ in dance? Yet in the book, he writes of dance and his dance master with reverence and due respect of the ‘Art’. However, the third named book by Cornazano is in the Italian of the day. He writes of the art in a more matter of fact manner making it readily accessible to the reader in the common language of his native Italy using the Italian verb, ‘Danzare’. What makes this the more intriguing; none of them uses the verb ‘Ballere’ which both terms of ‘Ball’ and ‘Ballet’ are derived. Clearly for these masters, dancing was strictly in the realm of the ‘Art of the Social Graces’ not a theatrical one. The notion of Dance as a performance art would develop sometime later, and particularly in the city of Milan due to the patronage of the ruling family, the Sforzas.

In spite of the slight differing takes on Dance, these particularly mentioned dance books would serve as models for all future ‘dance manuals’. Many of these would vary according to where they were developed in the description of technique and use of terms. Although with the exchange of ideas and techniques among the travelling dance masters from various European Courts would further the cause in such writings. They recognised the need for Dance to be documented and understood as an intellectual pursuit as well as physical one. Therefore slowly over time, an eventual common form of ‘Dance Technique’ would develop thus enabling an even more rapid dissemination of Dance as an ‘Art’ throughout Italy and Western Europe. The popularity of such manuals be it on the subject of dancing or a myriad other subjects such as art, music, philosophy would come to form the basis in the education of the elite during much of the Renaissance era. However in regards to Dance, a universal documented form of technique complete with a specified notation wasn’t realised until the late 17th Century in spite of earlier attempts.

Many of these manuals would describe Dance as an experience of noble pursuit and viewed as integral to the nature of a greater whole personified in the ‘Civilise Being’ along with the trappings of elegant attire. Some would even devote some text describing how best to be dressed for the experience and how dress must enhance the posture and carriage of the body. The illustrations in these manuals helped further the idea of how one must appear similar to how many modern day lifestyle magazines do today.

Fig. 02

Retable of St. John the BaptistWith all this, clearly gives evidence that ‘Court Dress’ had great impetus into the technique required for the practice of ‘Court Dance’. This perhaps is worth to reiterate the description of the basic execution of the ‘Tendu’. As previously explained, it was a movement developed particularly for ladies at court with their long skirts and later the hooped ‘Spanish’ farthingales, as pictured. What seemed to be a simple action of stepping forward was sometimes wrought with a degree of danger in tripping on the skirt’s hem or the bottom most hoop of the farthingale. The idea behind the ‘tendu’ was to lift the hem or hoop clear of the foot just by maintaining continued contact with the floor by sliding the foot forward, extending the leg with it finally only touching the floor with its toes when the foot was pointed. By doing so this ensured the lady of an elegant means of stepping forward without the embarrassment of falling flat on one’s face in the presence of her most Royal Host and other courtiers.

As the century wore on entering the 16th Century, the demand of technique would only intensify in order to accommodate new fashion trends. Furthermore, the new dance spectacles of the ‘Balletti’ were beginning to be seen at many European courts adding further demands in tecnique.

This brings us now to another particular Italian dance master, Cesare Negri, for some unknown reason was called “The Trombone”, who would later come to prominence. Born in Milan, 1536, there are several documented accounts of his exploits as he was well travelled and appeared at the many grand courts of Europe. As a Milanese, he clearly embraced the various established performance traditions of Milan, especially that of the ‘Spectaculi’. How could he not for Milan was very much at the forefront in such pursuits of the Arts, particularly that of Dance.

Negri’s reputation would increase as did his status in becoming something of a celebrity by way of a famed dancing virtuoso and choreographer within the exclusive world of courtiers. Furthermore, wherever, he was very demanding of whoever he taught regardless of their status. This was often to their ire but they endured his ego for he was the ‘Maestro’. This had to do with his very exacting views of how each step was to be performed complete in the manner of carriage and dress. This included how the feet were positioned and ‘turned out’ liken to modern day techniques. He had them performing almost to the same level we expect of professional dancers mastering ten different kinds of pirouettes. This perhaps explains the reason behind his nickname along with his reputation for name dropping, meaning, “Blowing One’s Horn”.

The reason behind for bringing attention to the exploits of Negri and his contemporaries is due to their efforts in raising the status of Dance as a profession as well as an art. Through them, Dance became more than a series of elegant poses and steps up and down the grand halls. It now had names of dances that gave clear references to specific complex choreographies. The development of a vocabulary of terms that would became a whole new language of Dance.

Fig. 03
Negri had very strong opinions in regards to the qualities of dance and was not afraid to express them. This was of course included all aspects of how one was dressed for the practise. This perhaps can help explain his obsession with the turn out. Its use complimented the aesthetic of the human form even though it was not natural to it. By turning out the leg from the hip enabled the muscular line of the male legs to be better appreciated which most body builders today well understand. Furthermore, this also helps make one appreciate the vanity behind the use of tights as 16th and 17th Males were obsessed with the size of their calves. This would only help drive the creation of poses that best achieve this display of ‘Maleness’.

Negri is attributed with the earliest attempt in the establishment of the positions of the feet. There appear to have been five positions but some of his contemporaries would subtract or add to these. For example, what we know as 3rd and 5th positions would be taught by some as the one and the same. The amount of ‘crossover’ was at the discretion of the dancer and more the crossover was a measure of the dancer’s ability. Others would rearrange and create new positions, combining parallel and perpendicular positions increasing the number of positions to seven or eight. The debate surrounding what were the positions of the feet would continue for some time.

Regardless, thanks to the likes of Cesare Negri, Fabritio Caroso and Pompeo Diobono the basic notion of dance as a profession has been achieved though be it by the gracious consent of their masters. All of these Italian dance masters found their way to the French Court and brought with them the already established Milanese tradition of court entertainment. Following in their footsteps was none other Baltazarini de Belgioioso with a group of violinists invited by the French Marshal in 1555. Belgioioso, a competent dancer as well as a violinist, would gain favour from Catherine de Médicis and would remain at the French Court. Beaujoyeulx, as he later became known in France, would absorb the Milanese tradition with the theories espoused by the Académie de Musique et Poésie (Academy of Music and Poetry) established in 1570 by permission of King Charles IX with encouraged support from Catherine, the Dowager Queen. These theories aimed to combine music, verse and dance as part of a greater artistic expression, including aspects of social manners and etiquette. This was essential in regards what to come a few years later from Beaujoyeulx with his greatest singular achievement in the first true ballet, “Le Balet Comique de la Royne” (The Queen’s Comic Dance) in 1581. All this was made possible with elements in Court Dance, performance skills from the Commedia dell’Arte and the steady flow of new techniques from Italy.

The first attempt of clarification of these along with other aspects was a book written as a historical retrospective on Dance by a French priest, Thoinot Arbeau, called, “Orchésographie” in 1588 but published in the following year. The book was written as liken to a script, a conversation between an aging Dance Master and a student. It outline detailed principles that would form the basis of the five fundamental positions of the feet for Dance and ultimately for Classical Ballet.

Negri would also go on to write a dance book himself in 1602 called “Le Gratie d’Amore” (The Graces of Love) and would be reprinted in 1604. The term ‘Graces’, is to infer a connection to the three deities from Classical Greek mythology. There were many sculptures and paintings depicting the ‘Graces’ with one of the most famous being in the painting, “Primavera” (Spring) by Sandro Boticelli in c. 1482, as pictured. Each represented a quality that was attributed to any human pursuit, particularly to that of music and dance. They were mostly known as Aglaia (Splendour), Euphrosyne (Joy) and Thalia (Gaiety or Festivity). This was a clear reference to the notion of how Dance was espoused as a means of artistic expression and a total experience for mind, body and soul. So following this train of thought, one could have the title translated as “For the Love of the Graces”.

The point is that it was from the formality of Negri’s technique and his contemporaries would have dance through their efforts come with a degree of expectations and a level of commitment that evoked a sense of vocation, a profession; a shift in attitudes. For the likes of Arbeau, Beauchamp, Feuillet, Rameau could not have developed their enduring influential works if wasn’t for Negri. Furthermore, nor Beaujoyeulx could have created the ‘First Ballet’. Negri was instrumental.

How is all this relevant to Ballet? Answer is everything and nothing. The paradox lies with an inevitable shift, well more of a redefinition of Dance at the French Court by way of establishment of differing levels in its pursuit. This did have a lot to do with how it was performed, by whom, and the nature of its performance, predominantly either as ‘Court Dance’ or ‘Court Entertainment’. This did come as a breath of fresh air for the professional dancers. Finally they would begin to have an input into how they were dressed. This was a direct result of the rise of Ballet as a performance art thanks to Catherine de Médicis and later to the future Bourbon Kings of France. However, ‘Court Dress’ wasn’t going to let go of its grip on Dance that readily, well not yet.

‘Court Dance’, however, continued to be compelled to accommodate the new fashion trends. These by the late 1500s would include the high necked collars called, “Ruffs” with their ever expanding circumference accompanied by billowing sleeves. Men wore “Trunk Hosen”, balloon like shorts. There was the new ‘French or Cartwheel Farthingale’ with its expanded dimension liken to a wagon wheel laid horizontal around the ladies’ waist. These fashion elements would render placing of the arms at the sides impossible. So it was required to arrange their arms in a variety of elegant positions. This resulted in one of the most lasting traditions of Ballet technique. It is what is known as the ‘Carriage or Breathing of the Arms’, or in ballet terms, “Port de Bras”.

It is pertinent to draw attention to the rigid fit of ‘Court Dress’ for both Lords and Ladies alike. It limited movement of the arms and the manner how the torso was held. The corset now had the ladies particularly in rigid poise. For the gentlemen wore a rigidly padded ‘Doublets’ often with a small pronounce belly like protrusion called a “peascod”. It too had the lords always appearing in an upright stance. The relaxed curvature of the torso was not to be tolerated. The chest or bossom was to protrude overtly with shoulders back as if a peacock. This manner of carriage was well demonstrated in the court dance of the ‘Pavane’. This slow formal dance was specifically created for this purpose as inferred by the meaning behind the word was this named bird of paradise. Danced to a timely measure, they ‘strutted’ their stuff with all the elegant arrogance and conceit one could muster. The ‘Pavane’ is a perfect example of this marriage between Dance and Dress. It was all about the precision of execution in technique, presentation in dress complete with an air of perceived nobility that was deemed necessary in the achievement of an ‘Accomplished Civilise Being’.

Following 1581, you would be forgiven to think with Ballet acquiring its status as a performance art that ‘Dance’ and ‘Dress’ would go their separate ways. Well sorry to disappoint, it didn’t happen. At the French Court, Ballet would continue to be performed by members of the Royal Family, the Nobility alongside professional artists. Therefore, it was still bound by the conventions surrounding the French Court and when at Court you were expected to follow them. In fact, the convention of Court Dress would remain as a dominant influence well into the 18th Century. This imposed bond to ‘Dress’ can be understood by how artists employed at Court were listed as part of the ‘Écurie’, which literally means ‘Stable’. This does make one view the ‘Pas de Cheval’ (Horse Step) in a new light.

Costume wise, what happened was intriguing. A particular type of costume was developed and it was specifically created for Ballet but it was only worn by male dancers. It appeared at the turn of the 17th Century and would develop and become very much entrenched as part of Ballet over the course of the next 150 years. This is what would become known as the ‘Tonnelet’, a name that takes delight in its epicurial connection to fine dining at lavish banquets where ballets were regular performed as part of Court Entertainment. Its story is another one and best to save for a future edition.

As the 17th Century progressed, gowns would be made in lighter fabrics such as the new silks imported from India and other parts of the Orient. The ruffs were to disappear in favour of wider necklines and flatter collar styles with sleeves to lose their size, often more fitting or falling into folds and small puffs. More importantly, the familiar Farthingales would also lose favour giving way to layered petticoats. This new style however did cause a new set of challenges for the ladies. As there was no hoops holding the skirts away from the legs this did have swathes of fabric falling into the legs when moving. This would make walking difficult, let alone dancing. Despite various techniques employed by dressmakers in the construction of the skirts and petticoats which did help, but the problem persisted. This did have many ladies resort to the unflattering practice of the ‘petti kick’ to ensure that they wouldn’t be tripped over by their petticoats. What made this situation worst was that many would have their gowns furnished with a train as it was the rising vogue. With more length in the skirt at the back did bring more added concerns for the wearer. Now with the new livelier dances combined with the new vogue it was evident new dance techniques and dress codes were needed.

Although the practice of the technique of keeping continued contact with the floor known as “à terre” was well established by the 17th Century. This was also true in the use of the turn out as well, be it not at the degree of today. What would transpire though from the known practises would only further be expanded into an evolving vocabulary of movements for Dance and Ballet.

For example, the ‘petti kick’ would become the ‘glissé’ meaning ‘to slip or slide’, this was in reference to have the foot slip or slide out from under the hems of the petticoats.

Then there was the ‘turn out’ which was essentially developed to help pander to the male ego, would help in the development of a more elegant technique for ladies as well. When walking in the more natural parallel manner it was discovered how the legs would quickly be enveloped in the volume of fabric in the layers of petticoats. This was even more noticeable when one would try and lift a leg. What would develop is a stylised walk that many dancers perform today now known as “la promenade” as to infer an elegant walk, originally it was “la marche du cygne” (the swan walk). The purpose of the swan walk was two-fold, to clear the way and a means of stepping forward or sideways. In a way it was a reinvention of the ‘tendu’. This was achieved by maintaining a turn out from the hip, raise one foot by bending the leg until the sole of the foot is parallel to the supporting leg at the ankle with foot pointed and the toe of the shoe touching the floor. By doing this help to lift the weight of the layers away from the pointed foot. While maintaining contact with the floor or just off with the leg still turned out unfold the leg in the desired direction with the foot pointed; then step by placing the foot down bringing the heel forward ensuring the continued turn out of the leg when transferring the centre of weight from the supporting leg; when have completed the step, have the other leg brought in ready in the same position of bended knee and raised heel at ankle ready for the next step. Male courtiers would later adopt this technique following the introduction of the long jackets of the late 17th Century.

Another was the awkward swish that helped clear the falling layers around the ankles became the ‘ronde de jambe’ (rounding of the leg) ensuring clearance for an elegant means of stepping in the desired direction.

Then there was the ‘En Cloche’ (Bell like) move. As per most Medieval and Renaissance court dances, the body was expected to be always kept upright. However, many of the new dances required legs to be lifted often to the shocking height of a 45 degree angle. This was difficult due to the rigidity of court dress particularly for ladies with their corsets and the layers of petticoats under their skirts. However by a gentle tilt of the body in the opposite direction to the raised leg, this was achievable.

It was about this time the earliest examples of a ‘Ball Gown’ were to appear as a result of these new dances needing to be accommodated. For noblewomen this would have ‘Court Dress’ evolve into three distinct gowns, Robe de Cour (Court Dress) for the daily appearances at Court; Robe de Bal (Ball Gown) specifically for purpose of dancing at a Ball at Court; Robe d’État (State Dress) for ceremonial occasions at Court such as the presentation of the Monarch after Coronation or the start of the season at the French Court.

Fig. 05
These distinctions were inevitable as the idea of performing a court dance in a gown furnished with a train did proved difficult for most. In saying that, there were occasions that it was expected to do just that thus giving rise to the term of ‘arrondir’ which means ‘the rounding of’, the term is still in use in Ballet today, but more to do with the arms. The use of ‘arrondir’ in this case is specific to the ‘Promenade’, a particular Court Dance was only performed for very grand ceremonial occasions; an already some centuries old tradition of the French Court by the 17th Century.

In essence, it was a ritualistic choreographed procession, an ostentatious display of aristocratic splendour commonly known as the ‘Pageant of the Peers or Nobles’. Young noble ladies presented at Court for the first time also performed in a promenade usually at the start of the season. Over the course of the latter half of the 17th Century, these ‘Promenades’ would only become grander and the trains longer.

To be successful in execution of the ‘arrondir’ in this sense was to be sure that the train was trailing behind at all times, particularly when it was required to return to where one has come from as simply stepping backwards clearly wasn’t an option. When performing the ‘Promenade’ positioning was everything, namely always forward of the train. The notion of ‘rounding’ was as if in a circle, with her escort had to be sure he was always on the inside of his companion. So if turning left, he was to be at her left and vice versa if turning right. Otherwise, he would be forever getting in the way. The ‘arrondir’ is similar to the equestrian practice of ‘Longeing’ or ‘Lungeing’ where a horse is asked to perform going round in circles at the end of a long line, responding to commands from a handler on the ground at the circle’s centre holding the other end of the line. So in this context the lady is the horse and is guided by the hand of her escort always going around him in a forward motion. If a lady was to turn on her own, she must do so in a circular motion with the end of the train at the centre of the circle ensuring that she would not be entangled. This technique was also used when wearing long capes as it was the case in many early ballets along with the countless processions and carousels. Furthermore, most ballets today tend to have the male dancers on inside of their female counterparts when performing in circular formations, an evident influence from the ‘arrondir’.

In 1654, when a young man of the age 15 years was crowned as King Louis XIV, little did the French courtiers know what was installed for them. As a political ploy, he would commission new court dances to be choreographed. Not just for his coronation but regularly, often to the distress of his courtiers who were expected to keep up with the latest dance moves. This would also create a new aesthetic in the performance and presentation of dance culminating in what would become known as the “Noble Danse” (Noble Dance). This was a creation born from Louis’ developing vision for France and the manner of his Court. Following the death of his First Consul, Cardinal Mazarin, now 22, Louis would exercise his divine right as the absolute authority and have the French Court totally restructured ensuring that he was at its centre. He had the Court re-dressed in a new fashion reflecting its new found modernity. In the same year, he established the Académie Royale de Danse (Royal Academy of Dance). He loved dancing himself. Under Louis, all that had preceded him combined with the new dances he had created, Dance would reach a pinnacle never before seen and not since replicated.

This new aesthetic was reflective of a developing artistic expression arising predominantly within the visual arts and architecture. Louis would grow with this artistic movement nurturing it to full flowering beauty. This was of course the ‘Baroque’ era. The time of Louis’ reign (1643 – crowned 1654 – 1715) would serve as the period of transition from the remnants of Renaissance ‘Mannerism’ to the Baroque ‘Flourishes’ but it was also one of a stark contrast between his political will and his intellectual and artistic pursuits. Regardless of this paradox, the Baroque style was important to French Ballet in ways that will need to be explained another day. However, this was also important to the ‘Noble Danse’, particularly musically. The complexities of the new dances correlate directly with the new musical style of this era which for music began as early as the 1580s. Because of this, Louis would seek means to have this formalised and made clear for his own sake as well as for all within the French Court. This would help explain why Louis would establish the Académie Royale de Danse for this very purpose with the hope of furthering the cause for creating a clear definitive approach in dance according to his vision of the art.

Fig. 06
Sometime not long after this, Louis would appoint Pierre Beauchamp to create a system of teaching and cataloguing of the various court dances, particularly those of the new ‘Noble Danse’. The idea was to ensure that it was Louis’ vision for dance was to spread and serve as the basis of dance instruction within and out of the French Court. Starting with the myriad of steps known to exist at the time and all previous documentation, Beauchamp achieved this by stripping back the layers of tradition that had evolved over the near two centuries. He identified them in accordance to their perceived origins and technique, sometimes according to their engendered use.
After he compiled all he could, he would then develop a new form of notation to document all these steps giving them their own specific symbolic reference liken to the notes of a music manuscript. Beauchamp’s notation created a new means of dissemination in a new language of French Dance. However it was never published, it was only ever used by his pupils within the confines of the Royal Academy of Dance and later at the Académie Royale de Musique (Royal Academy of Music), otherwise known as the Paris Opéra.

It would be one of his pupils, Raoul Feuillet, who would author of one of the earliest publication of dance notation based on the Beauchamp system. Not only did it spread within France but beyond its borders across Europe like wild fire. By default, this would usurpe Italy’s influence and put France at the centre of European dance culture with Louis XIV at the very heart of it.

Fig. 07

The Five Positions of the Feet by Rameau

The influence of these books would continue for many decades following with their various translations. The Beauchamp-Feuillet system would be reviewed by Pierre Rameau in 1725. This publication most dance history buffs are familiar with. All this was made possible by what Beauchamp produced and it was imperative to the foundation of Ballet as we know it today. At its core, what we know as the ‘Five Positions of the Feet’. The manner of their placement clearly demonstrates the influence of dress had across the generations of those artists, courtiers and dance masters before him who danced in the great halls of the French Court.

So when practising, look into the mirror and just try to imagine what it was like way back when in the hope giving greater inspiration and motivation behind those beautiful tendus and port de bras.

This article incorporates text derived or information sourced from the following:          “Encyclopaedia Britannica”

“Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani”

“Fifteenth-Century Dance and Music” Volume One: Treatises and Music, A. William Smith
 ISBN: 0945193254, Pendragon Press, 1995

“The Dancing Master”, Pierre Rameau
Translation: Cyril W. Beaumont, 1931
ISBN: 1852730927, Dance Books Ltd., 2003

“DE PRATICA SEU ARTE TRIPUDII: On the Practice or Art of Dancing”, Guglielmo Ebreo
Edited/ Translation: Barbara Sparti, Michael Sullivan (Translation)
ISBN: 0198165749, Clarendon Press, 1995  

“The Violin and Viola: History, Structure, Techniques”, Sheila M. Nelson
ISBN: 0486428532, Dover Publications, 2003

“International Encyclopedia of Dance”, Selma Jeanne Cohen and Dance Perspectives Foundation
DOI: 10.1093/acref/9780195173697.001.0001, Oxford University Press, Online Pub. 2005

“Le Gratie d’Amore 1602 by Cesare Negri: Translation and Commentary”
Translation: Gustavia Yvonne Kendall, PhD Thesis, 2 volumes, Stanford University, 1985 

“Dance, Spectacle, and the Body Politick: 1250-1750”, edited: Jennifer Nevile
ISBN: 978-0-253-21985-5, Indiana University Press, 2008  

 “The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Ballet”, Horst Koegler
 ISBN: 0193113309, Oxford University Press; 2nd Edition, 14 October, 1982.

“The Magic of Dance”, Margot Fonteyn
ISBN: 0-563-17645-8, BBC, 1980.

National Library of Australia, Canberra

Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand

Library of Congress, Washington D.C., United States


Fig. 01
– “Cassone Adimari”, by Scheggia (Splinter), Galleria dell'Accademia, Firenze, Italy.
Fig. 02
– Detail from the painting, “Retable of St. John the Baptist” by.Pedro García de Benabarre c.1480. Museu Nacional d'Art de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain.
Fig. 03
– Portrait plate of Cesare Negri from, “Le Gratie d’Amore” by Cesare Negri, reprint 1604.
Fig. 04
– Detail from the painting, “Primavera” (Spring) by Sandro Boticelli, c. 1482. The Ufizzi Gallery Museum, Florence, Italy.
Fig. 05
– Lithograph of French Baroque Court Ladies by Henrick Keller. Frankfurt, Germany. 1889.
Fig. 06
– Detail from a Plate, “The Art of Dancing Explained”, by Kellom Tomlinson, London, England, 1735.
Fig. 07
– Plates of the Five Positions of the Feet from “Le Maître à Danser” by Pierre Rameau, 1725